This paper critically analyses the US and Pakistan relations in historical context and thereby comprehends the causes of misunderstandings between them, especially under the new administration of Donal Trump. Like other states in our world both Pakistan and USA have priorities to secure their national interests as both have their own way of protecting their interest in short, medium or long terms. The paper finds that unlike the US which makes a policy that focuses only on the current scenarios, Pakistan keeps in view the lessons from past betrayals from US and her future needs arising from her security issues related to her neighbours i.e. Afghanistan and India. Pakistan also fears Indian involvement in Afghanistan and the US support to India in Afghanistan in general and particularly in the region. Pakistan needs to understand US mistrust for rapid proliferation (even legal) to earn easy money to strengthen its weak economy. From the US perspectives, it strategy regarding Pakistan is no different from that of a major powers as she only focuses short terms objectives. USA needs to realize that the strategic location of Pakistan and the nuclear capability makes her an important country that bestows on her the right to be treated like medium power in the region. It not only about dealing with mutual misunderstandings related to realization of mutual concerns but it is also about peace, security and future of every sixth human being on earth who lives in the region or maybe its impacts can go far beyond to the whole world. Therefore, both Pakistan and the US need to address each other's concern and work on converging lines.

At the commencement of the 21st century, a visible change is occurring in human relationship, but several areas still demand initiation of new developments, ideas, concepts along with practices for a discernible shift in global society. The idea of belonging is one of those concepts, which needs redefinition on the basis of existing positions and experiences of asylum seekers, refugees, displaced persons and migrants. The 'battlefield' for ending the cold war rivalry of superpowers, once again has become an arena for the war on terror, bringing massive destruction to the population at the hands of warring parties. Millions of lives perish due to fratricidal fighting and a huge number of persons are displaced and forced to live in camps. The statistics of the Afghan government and the UNHCR indicate that half a million people are still internally displaced due to continued conflict, violence and prevalent human rights' violation. Majority of such persons are living in camps or camp-like settings for decades and it is an alarming fact that displaced persons are 'more vulnerable and worse-off than the urban poor' who face insufficient housing or shortage of livelihood due to unemployment while displaced persons are facing numerous issues like insecurity, forced eviction, unemployment, poverty and repatriation due to ongoing conflicts. The paper analyzes all these aspects.

Employing a trade flow data from 1990 to 2013 within 50 countries, this study estimates terrorism effects on trade. The trading countries are grouped as trading partners (a) within developing countries (i.e. South-South), (b) within developed countries (North-North) or (c) within developed and developing countries (i.e. North-South). The analysis shows that all the standard gravity-type variables carry expected sign while the terrorism effect on trade is recorded significant on statistical grounds and negative when South trades with North.

Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two main powers of the Middle East. Since Islamic revolution (1979) the competition for power, security and regional dominance has resulted in proxy wars in the region, especially, Bahrain, Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Saudi and Iranian rivalry revolves around some key issues such as; their contradictory ideologies (Sunni vs Shiite) PanArab issues like Palestine issue, Saudi inclination towards West, their contradictory policies about energy and desire to become dominant power of entire region. Iran's wants regional hegemony, rolling back US influence in the Middle East, empowerment of Shiite in the Middle East through sectarianism. Sectarianism has always been a major focus in the Persian Gulf and beyond for the Iranian regional policy formulation. Peace and stability in Middle East would not be possible till Riyadh and Tehran end rivalry.

Politics as theory and practice of the power, and the existence of authoritative structures for the governance of a country remains among the staple contents of imaginative literature. The catastrophic incident of 9/11 at the turn of the new millennium has not only impacted the international politics but also resulted in the proliferation of political ideas in the literary writings. Glut production of fiction on War on Terror exposes the readers to the wide range of ideological constructions regarding the issue. Compared to the theoretical discourse, fiction serves as a better medium to persuasively depict the emotional and psychological traumas of the local population whose lives continue to suffer years after the 9/11 tragedy. In particular, Fatima Bhutto’s novel The Shadow of the Crescent Moon (2013) counters the fixed ideas about War on Terror. By portraying the social and political relationships and institutions within which this evil conflict thrives, she draws into our imagination the understanding and reality of the War on Terror, and to those who are its worst victims. For Bhutto, the psychological understanding of the worst victims of war on terror reveal that neither West nor the Pakistani state has suffered those dire consequences that the youth of the tribal areas face. As a consequence of this unending war, their fate is sealed as ‘lost generation’, both as a result of denial of justice, and the destruction caused by war on terror.

The epistemological shift from colonialism to postcolonialism refashioned the colonial conceptualization of gender, race, geopolitical locale and sexual orientation to focus on those processes theorized by Homi K. Bhabha as 'in-between spaces'. With the delimitation of Michael Ondaatje's The English Patient (1992), this research explores how these 'in-between spaces' led colonialism and its subjects to the postcolonial / post-World War II milieu. The colonizers were not psychologically resilient enough to survive the hybrid 'in-between space' that dismantled the binary of the self and the other. The post-colonial subject, like the colonial subject, is a collage, not stable or autonomous, because it exists in a hybrid space of the enunciation of two cultures which cannot sustain its independent identity: in The English Patient, the diaspora located at the cultural boundaries of the Europeans and their home countries merges and dissolves into the in-between spaces acquainted with their anxiety and passion of nationhood and the nationlessness.

The Servant Leader Model is a theory that advances administration, supports trust, coordinates effort, future-arranges and utilizes moral capacity to engage others, focusing on good ethical practices. This study inspects the faculty of public and private universities in Peshawar for elements of servant leader behavior (wisdom, emotional healing and persuasive mapping) and effect on performance. Drawing on information from 95 teaching faculty members from different universities, we discovered help for the immediate impact of the all elements of servant leader behavior administration on universities performance. The findings add to servant leadership practices, in like manner to values-based administration, which conceivably may include novel literature regarding the relationship between servant leadership and performance of universities teachers. Implications form the last part of the paper.

The study identifies the factors of intra temporal and intra generational household mobility in three districts of Central Punjab. The intra- temporal household mobility estimates the direction of transformation as disequalizing long term income. For the current analysis, three districts of Central Punjab are selected for data collection using literacy rate as prevalence rate. The results of the study show an improvement in education of head of household and other household members which may lead to upward transformation. Furthermore, geography and occupation progression contribute to inter temporal and intra generational mobility in Central Punjab. The results show big cities of central Punjab have considerable benefits of occupational movers from one sector to another as there are sufficient job opportunities available to the households and in rural areas of all the districts households are reluctant to get the benefits of occupational movement. The study concludes that most of the heads of household are educated but occupationally deprived which lead to low extent of intra generational mobility as compared to intra temporal mobility.

The current study also attempts to contribute significantly in this regard, as it attempts to map relationships between value systems and attitude towards green buying behavior. This study postulates that Environmental Value (EnV) forms the GA, which endorses CBB. After a careful literature review it has been revealed that very limited studies have attempted to map this relationship thread lending credence to the current study. The results indicate that the correlation coefficient achieved a value of 0 .275 0 significant at a P-value of 0.001*. The Cronbachs α value achieved for the EnV is 0.747 which is also significant, indicating that the overall results endorse the postulate of the current research that, EnV is also a principle variable other than CV to map CBB for the case of mapping green buying behavior

While using qualitative and quantitative techniques, this study analyzes the issues and challenges faced by the journalists while working in the areas going under military operations in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and FATA. Based on the hierarchy of influences model, a survey was conducted in Waziristan, Swat and Peshawar. A total of 185 local journalists from Swat, North Waziristan and Peshawar are selected and interviewed. The research found various psychological and visible impacts on journalists reporting from conflict areas. They face challenges like governmental and organizational pressure, safety hazards and bars on freedom of access to news sources. Low perks and privileges, facilities to perform their professional duties and demanding standards for local journalists. The war journalists were dissatisfied with their professions and many were thinking to quit their jobs. In the qualitative technique of semistructured interviews, the survey findings were supported and integrated with the large issues of media control and geo-strategic considerations.